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n one sense, the war did not really begin in 2022. It did not even begin in Ukraine. It started the first time Vladimir Putin invaded one of Russia’s neighbours and got away with it. That was 15 years ago, in Georgia.
Gamsakhurdia is one of many Georgians who have this feeling that Georgia is an exceptional place and an exceptional nation which is oppressed by Russia, but also partakes in some of the privileges that Georgia had because of the Soviet Union.
In countries with compounded violence, political elites enjoy extreme privilege and the state apparatus becomes highly politicized. Reducing such violence follows a spiral, not straight line, trajectory.
Georgia elects a new president on October 27, a key moment in the country’s transition to a parliamentary republic.
The figure of Stalin still provokes many positive reactions in the former Soviet Union.
With the ruling party’s loss to the opposition Georgian Dream coalition, the country’s leading political parties must find a way to share power and enable a peaceful political transition.
While the nations of the Caucasus are heavily influenced by historical narratives of intractable ethnic conflicts, a more critical look at the region’s history reveals a number of surprising alliances and pragmatic resolutions.
As violence in the North Caucasus surges, Kremlin policies and its loyal, but brutal, local leaders have played a critical role in causing the situation.
Ingushetia’s corrupt officials and extreme Islamists may be behind a suicide bomb explosion at a police station in the capital of Nazran.
Russia and Venezuela commence joint naval exercises this week, coming on the heels of Russian President Medvedev’s four-nation tour of South America. Though Russia’s recent closeness with U.S. neighbors may be an attempt to challenge U.S. regional primacy, the United States should avoid over-reacting.